Angela’s Ashes: How Merkel Failed Greece and Europe – By Spiegel Online International

German chancellor Angela Merkel leaves after a session at the Bundestag lower house of parliament on the Greek crisis on July 1, 2015 in Berlin. German Chancellor Angela Merkel said that "the future of Europe is not at stake" because of the crisis over Greece after the breakdown of debt talks and expiry of its aid programme. AFP PHOTO / ODD ANDERSEN

German chancellor Angela Merkel leaves after a session at the Bundestag lower house of parliament on the Greek crisis on July 1, 2015 in Berlin. German Chancellor Angela Merkel said that “the future of Europe is not at stake” because of the crisis over Greece after the breakdown of debt talks and expiry of its aid programme. AFP PHOTO / ODD ANDERSEN

Angela Merkel relishes her reputation as queen of Europe. But she hasn’t learned how to use her power, instead allowing a bad situation to heat up to the boiling point. Her inability to take unpopular stances badly exacerbated the Greek crisis.

By Peter Müller and René Pfister

July 03, 2015 – 08:17 PM

Angela Merkel was already leaving for the weekend when she received the call that would change everything. The chancellor had just had a grueling day, spending all of it in meetings with Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras — sometimes as part of a larger group, and others with only him and French President François Hollande.

They discussed debt restructuring and billions of euros in additional investments. When it comes to issues important to him, Tsipras can be exhaustingly stubborn. In the end, though, Merkel was left with the feeling the EU summit was the milestone that could quite possibly mark a turn for the better.

Martin Schulz, president of the European Parliament, had pulled Merkel aside in Brussels and whispered to her that Tsipras was seeking allies in the opposition, with whom he could push a reform program through Greek parliament even without the consent of the radical wing of Syriza, if necessary. “Can you help me?” Tsipras had asked Schulz. Schulz has good connections in the Social Democratic PASOK Party.

But when Merkel returned to Berlin, she received a call from Tsipras. He told her that he was not interested in a deal, but that he intended to hold a referendum in Greece first. A short time later, he tweeted: “With a clear ‘NO,’ we send a message that Greece is not going to surrender.”

Merkel is known for not being easily fazed. She has made it this far in part because she has firm control of her emotions. And she remained silent throughout the weekend. But at a Monday meeting of leading members of her Christian Democratic Union (CDU), she hinted at the depth of her disappointment in Tsipras. His policies are “hard and ideological,” she said, adding that he is steering his country into a brick wall “with his eyes wide open.”

Merkel had always described Tsipras as a man who, while leading a crazy organization, was quite open and accommodating in person. She had hoped that Tsipras would ultimately help reason prevail. Now, though, it appears that he has handed Merkel the greatest debacle of her tenure as chancellor.

‘Nothing Left to Fear’

In the end, of course, it will primarily be the fault of the radical Greek government if the country is ejected from the euro zone. How should one deal with a prime minister who conducts negotiations using the language of military mobilization? “We have justice on our side. If we can overcome fear, then there is nothing left to fear,” Tsipras tweeted on Monday.

But the divide that is now opening up in Europe also has something to do with Merkel’s leadership style — and with her idiosyncrasy of allowing things to drift for extended periods. This method works when it comes to negotiating a compromise, and when everyone involved is interested in a favorable outcome. But it reaches its limits when someone like Tsipras is determined to carry things to the extreme.

It has long been clear that Greece is a special case in the context of the euro crisis. It is a country in which neither the taxation system nor the land registry system works, a country that is so deeply in debt that no reasonable economist still believes that it can ever repay what it owes. In addition, parties that habitually plundered the state ran the country for years. Then came Syriza, a movement that, at least in its radical quarters, dreamed of toppling the system.

Merkel knew all of this. Nevertheless, she tried to fix the problem with recipes she had used in German domestic politics: delaying, hiding and allowing things to remain vague. There was no lack of cautionary voices. Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble has long argued that Greece should be taken on an orderly path out of the euro.

Merkel hopes that the Greeks will vote against Tsipras and in favor of their creditors’ austerity proposals on Sunday. If that happens, the Greek prime minister will hardly be able to remain in office. But even so, Greece will remain a bankrupt country and would be faced with forming a new government in the midst of chaos.

The Greek crisis required leadership and a plan, but Merkel was unwilling to provide either. Although she likes power, when push comes to shove, she doesn’t know what to do with it. And now she faces the wreckage of her European policy. How could things have come to this?

McKinsey Policies

To understand Merkel’s policies, it is worth turning back the clock to 2003. She had only been head of her party for three years and was in the midst of writing a new agenda for the CDU. There were four-and-a-half million unemployed in Germany, social security coffers were empty and employers were groaning about an excessively high tax burden. Germany wasn’t nearly as badly off as Greece is today, but it was in urgent need of restructuring, and Merkel began to prescribe a strict reform program for the country. The McKinsey management-consulting firm provided the numbers to support her bitter message of austerity.

McKinsey specializes in delivering unpleasant truths and is normally hired by companies that need to cut costs and lay off employees. It is easier for managers if they are able to hide behind the consultants’ analyses. That’s the McKinsey principle.

Merkel applied the principle to politics. When the euro crisis erupted in 2010, she made sure that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was involved in Greece’s restructuring. She did so against the will of Finance Minister Schäuble, who believed that Europe should solve its own problems.

In a sense, the International Monetary Fund is the McKinsey of global politics. It helps out wherever countries face financial difficulties, granting loans if countries agree to enact reforms in return.

Reintroducing Mathematics

The idea made sense at first. One reason Europe had slid into the crisis was that the Continent, amid the euphoria of integration, had paid little attention to numbers. Former Chancellor Helmut Kohl introduced the euro, but in doing so, he paid too much attention to his emotions and not enough to economic realities. The purpose of bringing in the IMF was to reintroduce mathematics to the equation.

But the McKinsey principle conflicts with Merkel’s claim to power. Her advisers like to portray the chancellor as the queen of Europe, as someone who shapes its guidelines. But in recent months, she has come across as a woman who is hiding behind the advice and recommendations of IMF experts — behind the “technocrats,” as Tsipras puts it.

In this sense, the struggle between Merkel and the Greek premier is also a battle over the definition of the political. Tsipras has turned the IMF into a symbol of oppression, into a group of technocrats who lack democratic legitimacy and yet are subjugating an entire country. He knew how to stylize resistance to the IMF into a battle over a nation’s self-determination. His aim was to elevate the conversations to the political level.

For Tsipras, politics is a magic wand that can make everything disappear: mountains of debt, reform requirements and the rule that prohibits the European Central Bank (ECB) from keeping countries liquid by printing money. It is hard to say what Syriza actually wants. The party is as much a home to former Maoists as it is to disillusioned social democrats. Some dream of a revolution, while others would be satisfied with debt forgiveness. But one thing is clear: Tsipras’ radicalism lies in his faith in the power of the decision. If he doesn’t accept rules, he demands that they be dissolved. This is the logic of Syriza.

Merkel’s real failure is that she did not decisively stand up to his way of thinking. First, she hid behind the troika, because she didn’t want to be the one to deliver the bitter truths to the Greek government. She followed the McKinsey principle.

Then, when Tsipras’ demands became more and more urgent, she bowed to his logic. She adopted the motto: “Where there’s a will, there’s a way.” In Germany, these words were interpreted as a sign of goodwill — of the desire to keep Greece in the euro zone. But Tsipras interpreted them completely differently: as a challenge to bring matters to a head.

Merkel’s Europe

Last Monday, Merkel stood in front of a blue screen in the lobby of the Chancellery and uttered a sentence that typifies her European policy. She was discussing the question of whether a “no” vote by the Greeks to the creditors’ reform program was tantamount to a “no” to the euro. Instead of saying “yes” or “no,” she said: “I will say quite openly: I am divided on this issue.”

One cannot accuse Merkel of not having principles when it comes to foreign policy. Her fidelity to the US is unbreakable, a fact that the NSA’s surveillance of her mobile phone and of several German ministries has done nothing to change. She stands firmly behind Israel, even if the current government has done nothing to establish peace with the Palestinians. And in the end, she has managed to get along with every French president who has crossed her path, even with François Hollande, who campaigned against the German chancellor and her austerity policies.

Her position on Europe, however, is less clear. On the one hand, there is the Merkel of numbers. When she travels the world, to China or Indonesia, for example, she always has all the tables and diagrams at hand to show the great effort such countries are making and how good Europe has it with its prosperity. A typical Merkel triplet goes as follows: Europe contains just 7 percent of the global population and is responsible for just 25 percent of global economic output, but pays half of all global social welfare. From her perspective, a high school diploma isn’t necessary to realize that such a situation cannot continue forever.

On the other hand, she has learned over the years that it doesn’t come across well when she only casts a cold economic eye on Europe. It seems unfriendly. That helps explain why Tsipras was able to cast her as the villain — as the German dominatrix of austerity — because she was constantly talking about amortization and interest rates. In addition, she is the head of a party that pushed harder than any other for European integration and didn’t focus exclusively on money. She knows that she cannot simply ignore that tradition — which is why she sometimes has to slip into the role of the convinced European.

Just how divided Merkel is can also be seen by looking at her advisors. Chancellery head Peter Altmaier is a portly, unruffled man from the state of Saarbrücken near the French border. Prior to becoming involved in German politics, he worked for the European Commission and speaks fluent English, Dutch and French. In the past several months, Altmaier has done his part to ensure that Merkel remain committed to Greece, arguing that the European idea would be damaged were the community to allow a country to fall out. His answer to the crisis is: more Europe.

No Illusions

On the other side is Nikolaus Meyer-Landrut, who has led the Chancellery’s Europe department for several years. He is a wiry bureaucrat with a sharp tongue, but not without humor. Meyer-Landrut’s view of Europe and its problems is free of emotion. He is the one who provides Merkel with all the numbers that show why progress isn’t being made in Greece. His answer to the crisis is: nation states need to take control.

Numbers-Merkel has no illusions about Greece. She doesn’t believe the political classes in Athens will be able to get the country on the right track. Once, during a flight she was suddenly gripped by a laughing fit. She said that the Greek government was refusing to pay the bill for German submarines it had purchased. Their justification was that the subs were crooked. “Crooked!” Merkel said as tears of hilarity rolled down her cheeks.

In October 2012, she visited then-Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras in Athens. She didn’t have much respect for Samaras, who had won as head of the conservative party Nea Dimokratia by running against the reform program demanded by Greece’s creditors. Once he got into office though, he buckled — but as has so often been the case, his pledges to Brussels were never fulfilled.

On the return flight to Berlin, a bemused Merkel told of a boast Samaras had made in an interview — that his ministers could reach him on weekends as well. The moral of the story was clear for her: How can a country move forward when its leader sees something so banal as an act of heroism?

Back in 2012, Merkel was close to pushing Greece out of the euro, but she balked in the end. She was afraid that it could have a similar effect as the Lehman bankruptcy did in 2008. That was the spark that ignited the global financial crisis.

A Policy of Pedagogical Imperialism

Since then, the chancellor has gone back and forth. Sometimes she is Numbers-Merkel and sometimes she is Europe-Merkel. Numbers-Merkel sees the Grexit as the most reasonable solution. But Europe-Merkel is concerned about being seen as the EU’s grave-digger should she let Greece fall. There are decent arguments on both sides, but Merkel never made up her mind. She left things open.

The euro crisis opened up a new dimension of power for Merkel. Since 2010, there has been an endless series of crisis summits in Brussels and the German chancellor was always the center of attention. She was the one sitting on the biggest war chest, a fact which granted her far-reaching influence. And Merkel enjoyed her role as the queen of Europe. She didn’t lord it over the others: She wasn’t as loud as Gerhard Schröder and wasn’t as forceful as Helmut Kohl.

Instead, she did what no German chancellor had ever done before. She followed a policy of pedagogical imperialism, with the lesson plan calling for budgetary discipline, labor market reform and privatization. It worked in Spain, Portugal and Ireland, but in Greece, the conditions imposed by creditors were not seen as necessary medicine but as a poison that was destroying society.

Merkel saw what was happening, but she didn’t have the courage to face the consequences. And there were alternatives. She could have offered Greece a safe and supported path out of the euro zone. That is the course of action that Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble has supported internally for years. She could also have offered Greece a debt haircut. Had she done so at the right moment, she could at least have prevented the radicalization of Greek politics.

None of these options would have been free of risk. They would have required courage and money, and they would have opened up Merkel to attack. And that is something she didn’t want.

So she hid behind the troika, behind the hated technocrats, thereby accelerating the rise of Syriza. Indeed, Tsipras is, to a certain extent, a product of Merkel’s vacillating leadership style. In the Chancellery, people are expressing relief that Tsipras was unable to drive Europe apart and that nobody is blaming Germany for the current impasse. That may be true, but it is also a rather simplistic view. Success for Merkel is when nobody is pointing their finger at her.

In the Shadow of the Giant

In just under five months from now, on Nov. 22, Merkel will have been in office for a full decade. Thus far, she hasn’t paid much attention to her legacy. Which makes sense. The mere fact of who she is makes her unique among German chancellors. Konrad Adenauer firmly anchored Germany in the West. Willy Brandt reconciled Germans with democracy. Helmut Kohl is the chancellor of reunification.

Merkel is Germany’s first female chancellor. That’s not a small thing. It is important symbolically. But people who know her well say that Merkel is determined to run again in the next general elections. Because of Europe. She wants to use her power to reshape the Continent. Should the euro zone disintegrate, it would forever overshadow her time in office. She would be seen as a failed head of government.

Last Monday, Merkel held a speech on the occasion of the CDU’s 70th birthday, a good opportunity to say make a few things clear. Strangely, though, she remained trapped in the rhetoric that Helmut Kohl once used. The party was held in a power station, and Merkel noted in her speech that the facility had been part of the Wehrmacht’s last line of defense against the advancing Red Army. “Just like this factory, the entire country lay in ruins.”

Europe, she continued, is the answer to the horrors of that war. It is a nice thought and a vitally important one. But it is far from new. The consequence drawn by Kohl is that Europe must continually draw closer together. But Merkel has drawn no such conclusion. And therein lies her contradiction. She borrows from Kohl’s rhetoric, but not from his political convictions. Which explains why there is a growing gap between her words and her deeds.

What Does She Want?

Three days before the CDU celebration, Merkel was at an EU summit in Brussels. The Greek crisis was on the agenda, but there was another issue to discuss as well. European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker tentatively presented a paper in an effort to give Europe a new goal, a new idea that reaches beyond the day-to-day.

He proposed that the Commission be granted greater powers — on budgetary oversight, for example. Juncker wasn’t trying to launch a revolution, nor was he trying to lay the cornerstone of a European government or to eliminate European nation-states. It was nothing more than an attempt to draw a couple of practical consequences from the euro crisis.

But Merkel doesn’t even want that. At the press conference following the summit, she spoke about everything: about Greece, about refugees trying to cross the Mediterranean, about Jacques Delors, who had been named an honorary citizen of Europe. Regarding Juncker’s proposal, she had but one thing to say: she “took note of it.” In politician-speak, that essentially means: Forget it.

Merkel wants a Europe of nation-states and not a deeply integrated Europe. She was concerned about Juncker running as the lead conservative candidate in 2014 European elections, worried — correctly — that it could result in a reduction of power for European heads of state and government. Furthermore, she doesn’t trust the European Parliament because majorities aren’t as dependable as they are in the Bundestag back home in Berlin.

The chancellor says none of this openly because it would contradict the CDU’s founding principle. She can speak like Kohl, but she breaks with what he stood for. Left behind is a confused EU that doesn’t know what the most powerful woman on the Continent actually wants.

Goldman Sachs Doesn’t Have Clean Hands in Greece Crisis




Tens of Thousands Protest in Front of the Greek Parliament Against Austerity Plan for Greece, Evening of June 29, 2015

How Goldman Sachs helped mask Greece’s debt (video)

Are Goldman Sachs executives Lloyd Blankfein, Gary Cohn and Addy Loudiadis losing any sleep over elderly pensioners waiting outside shuttered banks in Greece, desperately trying to obtain their pension checks to pay their rent and buy food? Are these Goldman honchos feeling a small pang of conscience over the humiliation by creditors of this once proud country? Perhaps Blankfein, who famously espoused that he’s “doing God’s work” might shed a tear or two for the small child clinging to her elderly Grandmother’s hand as she searches in Athens for an ATM that will give her $66 from her bank account – the maximum allowed per day under the newly imposed capital controls.

According to investigative reports that appeared in Der Spiegel, the New York Times, BBC, and Bloomberg News from 2010 through 2012, Blankfein, now Goldman Sachs CEO, Cohn, now President and COO, and Loudiadis, a Managing Director, all played a role in structuring complex derivative deals with Greece which accomplished two things: they allowed Greece to hide the true extent of its debt and they ended up almost doubling the amount of debt Greece owed under the dubious derivative deals.

A February 2012 BBC documentary on the Goldman Sachs deal provides a layman’s view of the dirty underbelly of the deal, calling it “a toxic import” from America that is “hastening” the downfall of Greece.

On March 5, 2012, Nick Dunbar, who appears in the BBC documentary on the Goldman Sachs deal and author of The Devil’s Derivatives, penned a revealing article for Bloomberg News with Elisa Martinuzzi. The writers describe the Goldman Sachs deal with Greece as follows:

“On the day the 2001 deal was struck, the government owed the bank about 600 million euros ($793 million) more than the 2.8 billion euros it borrowed, said Spyros Papanicolaou, who took over the country’s debt-management agency in 2005. By then, the price of the transaction, a derivative that disguised the loan and that Goldman Sachs persuaded Greece not to test with competitors, had almost doubled to 5.1 billion euros, he said…

“A gain of 600 million euros represents about 12 percent of the $6.35 billion in revenue Goldman Sachs reported for trading and principal investments in 2001, a business segment that includes the bank’s fixed-income, currencies and commodities division, which arranged the trade and posted record sales that year. The unit, then run by Lloyd C. Blankfein, 57, now the New York-based bank’s chairman and chief executive officer, also went on to post record quarterly revenue the following year…

“The revised deal proposed by the bank and executed in 2002, was to base repayments on what was then a new kind of derivative — an inflation swap linked to the euro-area harmonized index of consumer prices…


Quand la Grèce maîtrise mieux les règles du FMI que le FMI lui-même

AFP Publié le jeudi 02 juillet 2015 à 08h27 – Mis à jour le jeudi 02 juillet 2015 à 10h36

Madame FMI

C’est un mystère que le FMI n’a pas réussi à percer: dans sa tentative désespérée d’éviter un défaut de paiement, la Grèce a su dénicher dans les textes du Fonds des clauses dont l’institution elle-même avait oublié l’existence.

Ces astuces de dernière minute n’ont pas empêché la Grèce de faire défaut mardi sur sa dette vis-à-vis du Fonds mais elles montrent qu’Athènes scrute avec soin une institution qu’elle honnit et accuse de “comportements criminels”.

Le premier coup d’éclat grec s’est noué début juin: à court de liquidités, Athènes doit alors rembourser quelque 300 millions d’euros et entretient le flou sur sa volonté et sa capacité à le faire.

A la veille de la date-limite, fixée au 5 juin, la directrice générale du FMI Christine Lagarde se dit pourtant “confiante” que la Grèce va payer en temps et en heure.

Mais quelques instants plus tard, coup de théâtre: la Grèce fait jouer une clause lui permettant de regrouper les quatre paiements attendus en juin et d’obtenir un sursis jusqu’à la fin du mois, sans même que le FMI n’ait à donner son feu vert.

L’effet de surprise est total. De hauts responsables du Fonds confessent en privé n’avoir jamais entendu parler de cet obscur mécanisme qui n’a été utilisé qu’une seule fois, au milieu des années 1980 par la Zambie, pour réduire les coûts des transactions.

Un scénario à peu près similaire s’est rejoué mardi. La Grèce n’a alors plus que quelques heures pour rembourser 1,5 milliard d’euros au FMI, qui répète inlassablement qu’aucun délai de paiement n’est envisageable. Mi-juin, Mme Lagarde avait elle-même clamé qu’il n’y aurait “pas de période de grâce”.

La Grèce ne l’entend pas de cette oreille et, à quelques heures de la fin du délai, fait à nouveau preuve de sa fine connaissance des règles du Fonds: Athènes va ainsi faire jouer une clause de la charte fondatrice du FMI -la provision G, section 7, article 5- qui permet à un pays de demander le report d’un remboursement pour échapper à “une épreuve exceptionnelle”.

Là encore, la demande grecque prend par surprise les hautes sphères du FMI. Cette clause totalement méconnue n’a été utilisée qu’à deux reprises dans l’histoire du FMI, les deux fois en 1982, par le Nicaragua et le Guyana.

La requête n’a pour l’heure pas été approuvée par le FMI mais elle pourrait ouvrir une possible boîte de Pandore en révélant aux pays emprunteurs qu’un report est légalement envisageable.

D’où la Grèce tire-t-elle cette connaissance quasi-encyclopédique ? De ses conseillers de la banque Lazard ? De son représentant à l’institution ? Nul ne semble le savoir à Washington.

Mais la question ne cesse d’intriguer alors qu’une nouvelle échéance, et pourquoi pas un nouveau tour de passe-passe, approche: Athènes doit rembourser 455 millions d’euros au FMI d’ici au 13 juillet.

ΣΥΡΙΖΑ δίνει μια αριστοτεχνική μάθημα δημοκρατίας στον κόσμο


unnamedb, 4 Ιουλίου 2015

 Κάθε πολίτης κάπως υπεύθυνη και σωστή ενημέρωση – υπονοώντας άλλες πηγές εκτός από τα καθιερωμένα μέσα ενημέρωσης και ο προγραμματισμός τους stultifying – σημερινή εποχή και το μέλλον διαγράφονται ζοφερές. Είτε πρόκειται για την οικονομική, κοινωνική, περιβαλλοντική, πολιτιστική, την ασφάλεια, την εκπαίδευση, κλπ … Και στη συνεχή ροή των πληροφοριών που διασταυρώνονται και συχνά συγκρούονται, τίποτα πιο πολύπλοκο από το να προσπαθούμε να λύσουμε το γεγονός από ψευδείς, να προσπαθήσουμε να βρούμε πού είναι ο κόσμος βαδίζει και τι θα γίνει αυριανό μας και των παιδιών μας …

Σε αυτούς τους καιρούς της γενικευμένης τρομοκρατίας – η οποία χρωστάμε τίποτα στην τύχη, αλλά είναι προσεκτικά συντηρείται από κάποιους που αντλούν κέρδη, ακόμη και στο υψηλότερο επίπεδο [θυμάμαι ακριβώς την παρωδία που έχει περιβάλει τα γεγονότα Charlie Hebdo-νωρίς το χρόνος και ο τρόπος με τον οποίο η εξουσία έχει ανακτηθεί για να γίνουν τα πράγματα γρήγορα, όλο και πιο δρακόντεια νομοθεσία] – για τα πάντα και συχνά δεν τίθεται στον πολίτη και διατηρείται συνεχώς κάτω από την πίεση, η οποία παραλύει το και αποτρέπει από το να έχουν μια σαφή αντανάκλαση που μπορεί να αναπτυχθεί με ένα συγκεκριμένο καταφύγιο από τις ενδεχόμενες υποχρεώσεις που ταλανίζεται από όλες τις πλευρές.

Με σταματάει εκεί, αντιλαμβάνεται κανείς ότι η κατάσταση στην οποία βρισκόμαστε δεν στηρίζεται σε κανένα θάνατο, αλλά είναι το αποτέλεσμα των αποφάσεων που λαμβάνονται ως επί το πλείστον από τις πολιτικές δυνάμεις. Οι εξουσίες αυτές πιο συχνά σε συμπαιγνία με τον κόσμο της βιομηχανικής δύναμης, μεγάλα μέσα ενημέρωσης που ελέγχουν σε μεγάλο βαθμό, υψηλή χρηματοδότηση, η παγκόσμια ολιγαρχία. Το αποτέλεσμα είναι μια γενική υποβάθμιση του πολιτικού πράγμα – που οδηγεί σε κακές αποφάσεις για τους ανθρώπους στην πλειοψηφία των περιπτώσεων [πάρει οποιοδήποτε θέμα, θα δείτε] – το προσωπικό πλουτισμό του όφελος εκείνων που συρρέουν για να πρόσβαση σε αυτά τα προνομιακής τομείς όπου το νόμισμα πάντα … Όταν ο σημερινός Υπουργός Οικονομίας Ε Macron ήθελε να έχει στη Γαλλία πολλοί νέοι άνθρωποι να θέλουν να γίνουν δισεκατομμυριούχοι, θα μπορούσε να ολοκληρώσει την ποινή του και συμβουλεύει τους μια πολιτική καριέρα … εκτός του ότι είναι ως επί το πλείστον σε βάρος της μάθησης, της γνώσης, του πολιτισμού, της ικανότητας, και είναι αυτή η γενικευμένη εξαθλίωση του πολιτικού κόσμου, που έχει περισσότερους άλλο στόχο από το να μείνετε σε εταιρείες ενέργειας με αποτέλεσμα το αδιέξοδο που βλέπουμε σήμερα …

Ακόμη χειρότερα, φαίνεται μια σταθερή, ανεξάρτητα από τη χώρα, η ήπειρος, το καθεστώς, τον πολιτισμό, με λίγες εξαιρέσεις, αλλά σχεδόν κανείς δεν μιλάει … Ως εκ τούτου, όπου το βλέμμα πέφτει, η ευθύνη των πολιτικών στον κόσμο των παρασυρόμενων είναι συντριπτική!

Στην Ευρώπη σήμερα, οι πολίτες των παρισταμένων έκπληκτος να αποχώρησης σε καλή κατάσταση μιας χώρας που αλιεύονται στα δόντια των αρπακτικών. Η Ύδρα ονομάζεται «Τρόικα» (ΔΝΤ-ΕΚΤ-ΕΕ) έχει να διατηρεί συνεχώς το κεφάλι του ελληνικού λαού κάτω από το νερό, ενώ δηλώνει ότι είναι έτοιμη να «επαναλάβουν το διάλογο και τη βοήθεια (!) Της χώρας.” Η υποκρισία και ο κυνισμός της κυρίαρχης τάξης είναι στο αποκορύφωμά της. Δόλια ανακοινώσεις που απευθύνονται στο ευρύ κοινό να πάει στο διαμετρικά αντίθετο με τα πραγματικά περιστατικά. Έτσι τίτλους της εν λόγω κίτρινο τύπο τις τελευταίες ημέρες, χρησιμοποιώντας μια προκατειλημμένη λεξιλόγιο και εξαρτώμενα, A. Τσίπρας κατηγόρησε του “βγάζεις το όπλο δημοψήφισμα» … Ποιος έχει “ακάλυπτη” το πρώτο “όπλο” της εκβιασμούς και τελεσίγραφο Α Τσίπρας υπογράμμισε ορθώς την παρανομία στα μάτια του Κανονισμού και τις ευρωπαϊκές Συνθήκες; Ή οι δηλώσεις διαφόρων αξιωματούχων, όπως αυτή του J-Cl. Juncker Πρόεδρο της Επιτροπής, δηλώνοντας ότι το “ΟΧΙ” στο δημοψήφισμα “θα σήμαινε ότι οι Έλληνες λένε όχι στην Ευρώπη”, ενώ η κυβέρνηση υπό την ηγεσία του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ απλά θέλουν μια διαφορετική Ευρώπη από αυτή που βάζει τους ανθρώπους στα γόνατα για όφελος των λίγων, και το οποίο βλέπει επίσης την αποτυχία κάτω από τη γραμμή, χωρίς καν να εκτιμήσει σωστά αυτό δημιουργεί βαθιά κατάγματα σε πληθυσμούς θέσει σε διαρκή ανταγωνισμό … Ή ότι ο Γερμανός υπουργός Steinmeier κατηγορώντας A. Τσίπρας να “πάρει το ελληνικό λαό ομηρία” … όταν η Έλληνας υπουργός έκανε ακριβώς το αντίθετο, στρέφονται προς τους ανθρώπους του, για να είναι βέβαιο ότι θα είναι πάντα ο εξουσιοδοτημένος αντιπρόσωπος. Πόσο καιρό πρέπει να υπομείνουν αυτό τον αυταρχισμό που δεν αντιπροσωπεύει πλέον τη φιλοδοξία όλων των λαών στο ευρωπαϊκό όνειρο; Πόσο καιρό θα πάρει για να δεχτεί να υποβιβαστεί στο περιθώριο από εκείνους οι οποίοι δεν σταματούν να ξαναγεμίσετε τη λέξη “δημοκρατία” που αδειάζουν από την ουσία του; Όσοι ελπίζουν να μας κρατήσει στο φόβο για να μας κρατήσει από το να αντιδράσουν, να υποστηρίξει τις αποφάσεις του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ και των εναλλακτικών της να αντισταθεί στις υπαγορεύσεις της τρόικας άδικη και συκοφάντες του;

Οι καιροί είναι σοβαρές. Αυτές οι συμπεριφορές πολιτικού προσωπικού διπλασιάστηκε slobs μέσων θέσουν πραγματικά σε κίνδυνο τις ίδιες τις αρχές μιας πραγματικής δημοκρατίας στην οποία οι περισσότεροι από αυτούς τους σατράπες ισχυρίζονται. Αλλά ποδοπατούν χωρίς ενδοιασμό. Έχει δεν έχει παρατηρηθεί πρόσφατα, ο υπουργός Valls 1 – gôôôche του φαίνεται! – Ρωτήστε για μια στιγμή περισυλλογής στη μνήμη του Κοινοβουλίου Χ Pasqua αποδείχθηκε μαφία των οποίων οι φάκελοι είχαν συσσωρευτεί με τα χρόνια, αλλά έχει πάντα βγαίνουν από μια Δικαιοσύνης του οποίου οι μαύρες τρύπες όταν είναι γνωστό. «Αυτό το πολιτικό προσωπικό; Και θα πρέπει να επανεξετάσει τον αριθμό των περιπτώσεων όπου το όνομα πίσω από τον Σαρκοζί … ιδιότροπη χαρακτήρα, αδίστακτοι οι οποίοι, ενώ μεθυσμένος ντροπή, τόλμησε να φανταστεί πριν από τους ψηφοφόρους από τις αδυναμίες ενός συστήματος που επιτρέπει, ενώ τουλάχιστον παραπάτημα, ένας εκλεγμένος εντολή θα πρέπει να απαγορευτεί για τη ζωή; Και ούτω καθεξής …

Και αυτό είναι ίσως ό, τι οδηγεί σε υπερβολές της αυξανόμενης φροντίζουμε. Οι ανησυχίες των ανθρώπων αυτών δεν είναι πλέον καμία αμφιβολία: δεν θέλουν σε καμία περίπτωση ότι η ελληνική περίπτωση κάνει λεκέ πετρελαίου και εξαπλωθεί σε άλλες ευρωπαϊκές χώρες, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της Ισπανίας και του κόμματος Podemos σύντομα. Οι προκλήσεις είναι διαφορετικού βάρους από την ελληνική περίπτωση. Οι πιστωτές πρέπει να ανατριχιάζουν αντιμετώπιση αυτού του ενδεχομένου. Το τραπεζικό σύστημα έχει ήδη ανακίνηση. Και η κρίση που θα ακολουθούσε θα ήταν ένας εφιάλτης χειρότερη από εκείνη των ΗΠΑ ενυπόθηκων δανείων subprime. Αυτοί είναι ίσως αρχίζουν να κατανοούν ότι οι άνθρωποι δεν επιτρέπουν στον εαυτό τους να χειραγωγηθεί από τη μύτη και θέλουν να πάρουν πίσω το δικαίωμά τους να εξετάσουν την προοπτική μιας άλλης Ευρώπης, η οποία θα τους στερούσε ξεδιάντροπη τα προνόμιά τους. Παρατήρησα πρόσφατα απολύτως απρεπές μισθό Lagarde -. Πάντα φορτισμένη σε διαφορετικούς φακέλους – προστάτης του ΔΝΤ, που καταβάλλεται φαίνεται, σύμφωνα με τις ικανότητές του και την υψηλή ευθύνες. Αυτό δεν εμπόδισε τους ηγέτες του μικρού κόμματος ΣΥΡΙΖΑ να πάρει το ΔΝΤ από το πόδι και έκπληκτος από τις γνώσεις τους για τη λειτουργία και τα κείμενα του ιερού ιδρύματος, αυτές αλαζονική υπαλλήλους, από αντίθετες δύο ρήτρες που χρησιμοποιούνται σπάνια ( βλέπω : ).

Η «ελληνική περίπτωση» για τα χρηματοοικονομικά αυτά τα αρπακτικά, ένα εργαστήριο όπου πρόκειται να δούμε πόσο μακριά μπορούμε να βάλουμε γονατιστή ανθρώπους. Και αν αυτό δουλεύει, ο τύπος θα πρέπει να εφαρμόζεται σε όλα τα ευρωπαϊκά κράτη. Γιατί είναι απολύτως απαραίτητο ότι οι Έλληνες ακολουθούν εκείνες που έφερε στην εξουσία ψηφίζοντας “ΟΧΙ” στη διάρκεια δημοψήφισμα της Κυριακής. Και σε αντίθεση με αυτό που κάποιοι θα μας κάνουν να πιστέψουμε, η ελληνική κυβέρνηση δίνει στον κόσμο ένα αριστοτεχνικό μάθημα δημοκρατίας, θυμίζοντας παρεμπιπτόντως ότι είναι η αιτία και δεν προτίθεται να μειώσει την την έννοια και αδειάστε το το περιεχόμενό του και κάποιες τεχνοκράτες που απασχολούν με μεγάλο ζήλο …

Daniel Vanhove: Πολιτικοί παρατηρητή. Συγγραφέας:

“Εάν μπορείτε να καταστρέψουν τα σπίτια μας, δεν θα καταστρέψει τις ψυχές μας» – 2005 -. Ed Μ Pietteur

«Το ψέμα δημοκρατία” – 2008 – Ed Μ Pietteur.

Αυτό το ηλεκτρονικό μήνυμα Leur Envoi να

Copyright © 2015

Сириза дает мастерски урок демократии в мире


unnamedb, 4 июля 2015
Этот адрес электронной Лейр строфа в

Каждый гражданин несколько ответственность и должным образом проинформирован – подразумевая другие, чем средства массовой информации и их программирование отупляющей источники – настоящие и будущие времена выглядят довольно мрачно. Будь то в экономической, социальной, экологической, культурной, образовательной, безопасности, и т.д. … А в непрерывном потоке информации, который не пересекаются и часто сталкиваются, ничего более сложного, чем пытаться разобраться факты от ложь, чтобы попытаться выяснить, где находится мир идет и что будет сделано наши завтрашние, и те из наших детей …

В эти времена обобщенной террора, – которые не обязаны ничего на волю случая, но тщательно поддерживается некоторыми, кто получает прибыль, даже на самом высоком уровне [только помните шараду, что рано окруженный события Чарли-Hebdo в год и способ, в котором власть восстановлена, чтобы добиться цели быстро, законы драконовские более] – обо всем и часто ничего не ставить граждан и постоянно поддерживается в состоянии стресса, который парализует и предотвращает его от необходимости четкого отражения, которые могут быть разработаны с определенным отступлением от непредвиденных, которые окружают со всех сторон.

По останавливаясь, каждый понимает, что ситуация, в которой мы оказываемся не на основе какой-либо фатальности, а, скорее, результатом решений, принимаемых в основном политических сил. Эти полномочия чаще в сговор с миром индустриальной мощи, основные средства массовой информации они во многом контролировать, высокий финансов, мировой олигархии. Результат вообще обнищание политической вещь – что приводит к неверным решениям для людей в большинстве случаев [принять любую тему, вы увидите] – личного обогащения в пользу тех, которые стекаются в доступ к этим привилегированные сферы, где все валюты … Когда нынешний министр экономики Е. Макрон хотел иметь в Франция многих молодых людей, жаждущих стать миллиардерами, он мог завершить свое наказание и консультировать их Политическая карьера … кроме него, в основном за счет обучения, знания, культуры, компетентности, и это обобщенное обнищание политическом мире, который имеет более Другая цель, чем остаться в энергокомпаний, в результате тупика, который мы видим сегодня …

Хуже того, она, кажется, постоянная, независимо страна континента, режим, культура, с несколькими исключениями, но почти никто не говорит … Поэтому там, где взгляд падает, Ответственность политиков в мире дрейфа подавляющее!

В Европе сегодня, граждане присутствовавшие ошеломлен разрыва в хорошем положении страны поймали в зубах хищников. Гидра называется “Тройка” (ЕЦБ МВФ и ЕС) имеет постоянно поддерживать голову греческих людей под водой, в то время как сам объявив готов “возобновить диалог и помощь (!) Стране.” лицемерие и цинизм правящего класса находится на своем пике. Лукавые коммюнике имя широкой общественности ходу в диаметрально противоположном фактов. Таким образом, ценные бумаги этой бульварной прессы в последние дни, используя лексику и тенденциозную иждивенцев, А. Tsipras обвинили в “обнажить оружие референдума” … Кто имеет “наголо” первый “оружие” в шантаж и ультиматум А. Tsipras справедливо подчеркнул незаконность в глазах правил и договоров европейских? Или заявления различных должностных лиц, таких, как, что из J-Cl. Юнкер Председатель Комиссии, заявив, что “НЕТ” на референдуме “не будет означать, что греки говорят не в Европу”, в то время как правительство во главе с Syriza просто хочу еще Европу, чем тот, который ставит людей на колени для Преимущество мало, и какой видит провал по линии, даже правильно оценить это создает глубокие трещины в популяциях попали в постоянной конкуренции … Или, что немецкий министр Штайнмайер обвиняя А. Tsipras “принять греческую заложников” … когда 1 Греческий министр сделал прямо противоположное, обращаясь к своему народу, чтобы убедиться, чтобы всегда быть в уполномоченный представитель. Как долго мы должны терпеть эту авторитаризм, который больше не представляет стремление всех народов в европейской мечты? Как долго это возьмет, чтобы принять низведения на обочину теми, кто сами не остановить, чтобы пополнить слово «демократия» они опустели его сущности? Те, надеюсь, чтобы держать нас в страхе, чтобы держать нас от реакции, поддерживать решения СИРИЗА и ее альтернативы, чтобы противостоять диктату тройки несправедливой и его подхалимов?

Времена серьезно. Такое поведение политических персонал вдвое СМИ разгильдяев на самом деле поставить под угрозу сами принципы подлинной демократии, в которой большинство из этих сатрапов претендовать. Но они не попрали без стеснения. Разве не видно в последнее время, министр Вальс 1 – gôôôche него, кажется! – Спросите момент отражения в памяти парламента Ch Паскуа оказался мафию, файлы были сложены на протяжении многих лет, но всегда выходят из которого юстиции черные дыры, когда это известно. “Это политическое персонала? И следует пересмотреть ряд случаев, когда имя за Саркози … причудливый характер, в недобросовестных, которые, в то время как пьяный стыда, осмелился представить перед избирателями недостатками системы, что позволяет, в то время как менее неверный шаг, избран мандат должен быть запрещен для жизни? И так далее …

И это, наверное, то, что приводит к эксцессам выращивания мы посещаем. не Опасения этих людей уже не какие-то сомнения: они в любом случае, что греческий случай делает пятно масла и распространения в других европейских странах, включая Испанию и партии Podemos скоро не хотят. Проблемы носят иной вес, чем греческой случае. Кредиторы должны содрогнуться сделку с этой возможности. Банковская система уже трясутся. И кризис, который будет следовать будет кошмар хуже, чем в США ипотечных кредитов. Те, возможно, начинают понимать, что люди не позволяют себе манипулировать носа и хотите забрать их право смотреть в перспективу другого Европе, которая лишит их от бесстыдных привилегий. Я недавно заметил абсолютно непристойное Лагард зарплаты -. Всегда Заряженные в разных папках – покровителя МВФ, заплатил кажется, в соответствии с его навыками и высокой ответственности. Это не помешало лидерам небольшой Syriza участник принять МВФ против стопы и удивил своими знаниями выработок и тексты священного института, этих наглых чиновников, противопоставив два положения редко используемые ( видеть : ).

“Греческий случай” Для этих финансовых хищников, лаборатория, где он, чтобы увидеть, как далеко мы можем поставить на коленях людей. И если она работает, формула будет применяться для всех европейских государств. Почему это абсолютно необходимо, чтобы греческий народ следовать за теми, он принес к власти путем голосования “НЕТ” во время референдума в воскресенье. И вопреки тому, что некоторые хотели бы заставить нас поверить, греческое правительство дает мир мастерски урок демократии, напоминая нам, кстати, что это причина и не намерен унизить значение и очистить его содержимое как некоторые технократов использовать ее с большим усердием …

Даниэль Vanhove

Даниэль Vanhove: Гражданское наблюдатель. Автор:

“Если вы разрушить наши дома, вы не будете уничтожить наши души” – 2005 – ред. М. Pietteur

“Ли демократия” – 2008 – Ред М. Pietteur.

Copyright © 2015

Syriza demokrazia ikasgai magistral bat munduari ematen dion

Artikulo postatu per Ainhoa Aristizabal

Email leur envoi honekiko


euskarazko versioa, uztailaren 4, 2015

Escrit per Daniel Vanhove

Zertxobait arduratsua eta behar bezala informatuta herritar orok – hedabide nagusietan eta euren programazioa stultifying den beste iturriren ulertuta – gaur eta etorkizunean itxura latz. Gurutzatzen diren eta askotan talka egiten, ez da ezer ordenatzeko Izan ere saiatzen baino zailagoa ekonomi, gizarte, ingurumen, kultura, segurtasuna, hezkuntza, etab … Eta etengabeko informazio-fluxua ala ez faltsua, jakiteko non mundua joan da eta gure tomorrows zer egin beharko da, eta gure seme-alabak saiatu …

Terror orokortua garai hauetan – horrek deus aukera zor baina arretaz mantendu batzuk irabaziak eratortzen duten, nahiz eta maila gorenean arabera [gogoratu besterik txarada dela Charlie Hebdo-ekitaldiak goiz inguruan izan dituen batean Urte eta, modu horretan, boterera gauzak lortzeko egin azkar berreskuratu du, legeak gero eta draconian] – Dena, eta askotan ez da ezer herritarraren jarri da eta uneoro eutsi estresa pean, eta hori geldiarazten du eta eragozten duten ahal duten alde guztietatik inguratu kontingentzia erretiro jakin bat garatuko hausnarketa argi bat izatea.

Han gelditu, konturatuko bat, egoera horretan aurkitzen garen hori ez da inolako fatality oinarritzen, baizik eta, batez ere, hartu botere politikoen arabera erabakiak emaitza da. Eskumen horiek maizago industrial power munduan collusion, komunikabide nagusien neurri handi batean kontrolatu dute, finantzen, eta oligarkia global. Emaitza politiko gauza pobretze orokor bat da -, eta, kasu gehienetan, jendea txarra erabakiak eramaten [gaia edozein hartzeko, ikusiko duzu] – artaldea dutenen onerako usteltzen du esfera pribilegiatu horiek non dena moneta … egungo Ekonomia E. Macron ministroak France gazte askok irrikaz billionaires bihurtu pertsonengan izan nahi duenean, bere esaldi osatu ahal izan zuen, eta haiek aholkatzeko sartzeko ibilbide politiko bat … izan ezik da gehienbat ikaskuntza lepotik, ezagutza, kultura, eskumenen eta mundu politikoa duela gehiago pobretu orokortu hau da beste objektiboa impasse gaur egun ikusten dugun ondorioz botere enpresetan egoteko baino …

Okerrago, konstante bat, edozein herrialdeko kontinentean, erregimena, kultura badirudi, salbuespen gutxirekin, baina ia inork ez hitz egiten da … Beraz, begiradaren erortzen lekuan, etorri politikarien ardura drift munduan erabatekoa da!

Europan, gaur egun, herritarren parte-hartzaileen severance stunned harrapari hortzak harrapatu herrialde baten egoera onean. “Troika” (NDF-EBZ-EB) izeneko hidra ditu greziar herriaren ur azpian burua etengabe mantentzen dituzte, prest berez geratuko “elkarrizketa eta laguntza (!) Herrialdeko berrekiteko.” Hipokresia eta zinismo klase bere tontorra da. Maltzurra komunikatu du justu kontrakoa gertakariekin go publiko orokorrari zuzenduta. Horrela gutter azken egunetan prentsa dagoela, hiztegia eta pentzura tendentious baten bidez balore, A. Tsipras of “unsheathe erreferenduma arma” … Nork du “unsheathed” lehenengo “arma” leporatu xantaia eta ultimatum A. Tsipras asmatu azpimarratu arauak eta Europako Itunak begietan ere legez kontrakoa? Edo hainbat funtzionari adierazpenak, hala nola, J-Cl duten bezala. Juncker Batzordeko presidentea, hori “NO” erreferendumean, Syriza buru duen gobernuak besterik gabe, beste Europa jendea jartzen duten belaunak bat baino Nahi bitartean “Greziarrek ezetz esateko Europara ekarriko luke” gutunazalean gutxi batzuen onurarako, eta horietatik bat ere porrota line behera ikusten gabe, nahiz eta behar bezala ebaluatzea hau hausturak sakona sortzen lehiaketa iraunkorra jarri populazioak … Edo Alemaniako ministroak Steinmeier accusing dagoela A. Tsipras “hartzen greziar pertsona bahitu” … denean 1go greziar ministroak egin zehazki kontrakoa, bere herriaren inflexio, ziur agente baimendua beti egon izan da. Zenbat denbora autoritarismoa hau jada ez herri guztien nahia da Europako ametsean adierazten jasan behar dugu? Zenbat denbora ari direnen arabera bazter jaitsiko onartzea izango da: nork ez dute gelditzeko hitza “demokrazia” hustu dute bere esentzia Bete? Horiek itxaropena mantentzeko beldurrez gurekin mantentzeko erreakzionatzeko batetik, Syriza eta haren alternatiba erabakiak onartzen Troika okerrenak eta bere sycophants of diktats kontra egiteko?

Ordutegia larriak dira. Jokabide hauek langileen politikoa bikoiztu media slobs Demokrazian eta bertan Gobernariek horietako gehienak erreklamatzeko beraren printzipioen benetan arriskuan jartzen. Baina zapalduko erreparorik gabe. Ez al da gutxi ikusi, ministroak Valls 1 – da gôôôche badirudi! – Parlamentuari Ch Pasqua oroimenez hausnarketa momentu bat eskatu frogatu mafia zeinen fitxategiak urteetan zehar pilatzen ziren, baina beti Justizia bat horren beltzak zulo denean ezaguna da atera ditu. ‘langileek politiko hau? Eta kasu kopurua birplanteatu beharko non Sarkozy … whimsical pertsonaia, honen izena unscrupulous nor, mozkor lotsa bitartean, ausartu ahalbidetzen duen sistema baten gabeziak arabera Hautesleek aurretik imajinatzea, gutxienez bitartean misstep, hautetsi agintaldi bat egon debekatu beharko bizitzarako? Eta abar …

Eta hau da seguruenik zer joan ginen, gero eta handiagoa gehiegikeriak dakar. Pertsona horien kezka jadanik ez dira inolako zalantzarik: ez dute inolako kasuan Greziako kasuan olio orban egiten eta Europako beste herrialde Espainia eta podemos alderdiaren laster barne zabaldu nahi dute. Erronkei pisua desberdin bat Greziako kasuan baino dira. Hartzekodunak akordio hotzikarak behar Hipotesi honekin. Banku-sistema dagoeneko dardarka. Eta krisiari zela jarraitu US subprime hipotekak baino amesgaizto bat okerragoa izango litzateke. Horiek agian ulertu jendeak ez uzten beraiek sudurra arabera manipulatu eta bizkarrean hartu eta euren den beste Europa perspectiva, horien kendu litzateke euren lotsagabeak pribilegio begiratu eskuineko nahi hasieran. Duela gutxi erabat indecent soldata Lagarde adierazi dut. – Beti karpeta desberdinetan kargatuta – NDF zaindari, ordaindutako dirudienez, bere trebetasunak eta erantzukizunak handiko arabera. Horrek ez zuen eragotzi du Syriza party txiki liderrak NDF hartzeko oinetan aurka eta euren funtzionamendua eta sakratua instituzio, harroputz funtzionarioek horiek, testuak ezagutza harrituta gutxitan erabiltzen bi klausulak kontrajarriak ( ikusi : ).

The “Greziako kasuan” finantza harrapari horiek direla eta, laborategi bat, non jendeak belauniko bat noraino jarri ahal izango dugu ikusi ahal izango da. Eta lan egiten bada, formula den Europako estatu guztiei aplikatuko zaie. Zergatik ezinbestekoa da greziar pertsona boterera eraman zuen bozketara “NO” igandeko erreferendumean zehar dutenek jarraitzen duten. Eta aurkakoa zer batzuk sinestarazi nahi diguten, Greziako gobernuak munduko demokrazia ikasgai magistrala ematen, eta gogorarazten digu kausa dela eta ez du asmorik esanahia aurkakoak eta hustu igaro bere edukia teknokratei batzuk bezala enplegatzen da gogo biziz ekin …

Daniel Vanhove: Observer Zibila. Egilea:

“Gure etxe suntsitu baduzu, ezin izango duzu gure arima suntsitzeko” – 2005 -. Ed M. Pietteur

“Gezurra Demokrazia” – 2008 – Ed M. Pietteur.

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Copyright © 2015

Syriza gives a masterful lesson in democracy to the world



unnamedb, 4 juillet 2015

De Daniel Vanhove

This email was sent to

English version:

Every citizen somewhat responsible and properly informed – implying sources other than the mainstream media and their programming stultifying – present times and future look bleak. Whether in the economic, social, environmental, cultural, security, educational, etc … And in the continuous flow of information that intersect and often collide, nothing more complicated than trying to sort out fact from false, to try to find out where is the world going and what our tomorrows will be made, and those of our children …

In these times of generalized terror – which owe nothing to chance but are carefully maintained by some who derive profits, even at the highest level [just remember the charade that has surrounded the Charlie-Hebdo events early in the year and the way in which power has recovered to get things done quickly, laws increasingly draconian] – about everything and often nothing is put the citizen and continuously maintained under stress, which paralyzes the and prevents it from having a clear reflection that can be developed with a certain retreat from the contingencies that beset on all sides.

By stopping there, one realizes that the situation in which we find ourselves is not based on any fatality, but rather is the result of decisions taken mostly by political powers. These powers more often in collusion with the world of industrial power, major media they largely control, high finance, the global oligarchy. The result is a general impoverishment of the political thing – which leads to bad decisions for the people in the majority of cases [take any subject, you will see] – the personal enrichment of the benefit of those who flock to access these privileged spheres where everything currency … When the current Minister of Economy E. Macron wanted to have in France many young people eager to become billionaires, he could complete his sentence and advise them a political career … except it is mostly at the expense of learning, of knowledge, of culture, competence, and it is this generalized impoverishment of the political world that has more other objective than to stay in power companies resulting in the impasse that we see today …

Worse, it seems a constant, whatever the country, the continent, the regime, culture, with few exceptions, but almost nobody is talking … Therefore, wherever the gaze falls, the responsibility of politicians in the world of drift is overwhelming!

In Europe today, the citizens attending stunned to severance in good standing of a country caught in the teeth of predators. The hydra called “Troika” (IMF-ECB-EU) has constantly maintain the Greek people’s head under water, while declaring itself ready to “resume dialogue and help (!) The country.” The hypocrisy and cynicism of the ruling class is at its peak. Deceitful communiqués addressed to the general public go in the diametrically opposite to the facts. Thus securities of that gutter press in recent days, using a tendentious vocabulary and dependents, A. Tsipras accused of “unsheathe the referendum weapon” … Who has “unsheathed” the first “weapon” of blackmail and ultimatum A. Tsipras has rightly emphasized the illegality in the eyes of the Rules and the European Treaties? Or the statements of various officials, such as that of J-Cl. Juncker President of the Commission, stating that the “NO” in the referendum “would mean that the Greeks say no to Europe”, while the government led by Syriza simply want another Europe than the one that puts people at the knees for benefit of a few, and which one also sees the failure down the line without even properly evaluate this creates deep fractures in populations put in permanent competition … Or that the German Minister Steinmeier accusing A. Tsipras to “take the Greek people hostage” … when the 1st Greek Minister did exactly the opposite, turning to his people, to be sure to always be the authorized representative. How long must we endure this authoritarianism which no longer represents the aspiration of all peoples in the European dream? How long will it take to accept being relegated to the sidelines by those who themselves do not stop to refill the word “democracy” they emptied of its essence? Those hope to keep us in fear to keep us from reacting, support the decisions of Syriza and its alternative to resist the diktats of the Troika iniquitous and its sycophants?

The times are serious. These behaviors political staff doubled media slobs actually endanger the very principles of a true democracy in which most of these satraps claim. But they trample without scruple. Has it not seen recently, Minister Valls 1 – gôôôche of it seems! – Ask for a moment of reflection in memory of Parliament Ch Pasqua proved mafia whose files were piled over the years, but has always come out of a Justice whose black holes when it’s known. ‘This political staff? And should reconsider the number of cases where the name behind Sarkozy … whimsical character, unscrupulous who, while drunk shame, dared to imagine before the voters by the shortcomings of a system that allows, while at least misstep, an elected mandate should be banned for life? And so on …

And this is probably what leads to excesses of growing we attend. The concerns of these people are no longer any doubt: they do not want in any case that the Greek case makes oil stain and spread to other European countries including Spain and the Podemos party soon. The challenges are of a different weight than the Greek case. Creditors must shudder deal with this eventuality. The banking system already shaking. And the crisis that would follow would be a nightmare worse than that of US subprime mortgages. Those are perhaps beginning to understand that people do not allow themselves to be manipulated by the nose and want to take back their right to look into the prospect of another Europe, which would deprive them of their shameless privileges. I noted recently absolutely indecent salary Lagarde. – Always Charged in different folders – patron of the IMF, paid it seems, according to his skills and high responsibilities. This did not prevent the leaders of the small Syriza party to take the IMF against the foot and surprised by their knowledge of the workings and texts of the sacred institution, these arrogant officials, by opposing two clauses rarely used ( see : ).

The “Greek case” For these financial raptors, a laboratory where it is to see how far we can put a kneeling people. And if it works, the formula will be applied to all European states. Why it is absolutely necessary that the Greek people follow those he brought to power by voting “NO” during Sunday’s referendum. And contrary to what some would have us believe, the Greek government gives the world a masterly lesson in democracy, reminding us in passing that it is the cause and does not intend to demean the meaning and empty the its contents as some technocrats employ it with great zeal …


Daniel Vanhove : Observateur civil. Auteur :

« Si vous détruisez nos maisons, vous ne détruirez pas nos âmes » – 2005 – Ed. M. Pietteur

« La Démocratie Mensonge » – 2008 – Ed. M. Pietteur

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